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Our notion of the traditional family is
governed by the ramayana fixation |
I
have often wondered at the ways in which "tradition'' is invoked
in our day-to-day conversations. We tell one another that traditionally
Indian women have been submissive, nurturing, self-sacrificing.
Or that the caste system has been an enduring feature of Indian
society, or that there is something like the traditional Indian
family, with its eternal values.
At the outset, we need to be aware of the plurality
of what we now identify as India. Even today, inspite of processes
of homogenisation that have been at work in the recent past, diversities
stare us in the face. We are only beginning to recognise the fact
that the upper caste and upper class Hindu woman of north India,
who may be projected as the epitome of the 'traditional', is not
in fact typical of the women in the subcontinent. We automatically
marginalise and ignore the lives of Dravidian and tribal women,
and brush aside rich regional cultures that do not fit into what
we conventionally recognise as the mainstream.
Stereotypes about caste are equally stultifying
in terms of understanding the past. We usually accept, somewhat
uncritically, the view of the Brahamanical texts that suggest the
four-fold division of society into brahmins, kshatriyas, vaishyas,
and shudras as primordial, and hence beyond dispute. Yet, the four-fold
order can barely contain enormous variations. In tribal societies
caste categories have been irrelevant because of the fact that the
theoretical hierarchical order has been called into question through
the centuries.
From the 2nd century BC onwards, we have hundreds
of inscriptions, commemorating gifts made by men (and women) to
Buddhist and Jain institutions at sites such as Mathura and Sanchi.
The donors include merchants, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, ivory workers,
and washermen. None of these men identify themselves in terms of
four varnas.
Turning to the traditional family. Our notions
of this seems to be governed by what I would call the "Ramayana
fixation". So our ideal family is supposed to be run by a benevolent
patriarch, who rules over brothers, whose love for one another creates
idyllic harmony. The only disruptions are caused by women like Kaikeyi,
who are represented as selfish, and by outsiders, typified by Ravana.
But the epic itself recognises other patterns associated with the
vanaras and the rakshasas. We also have inscriptional evidence to
suggest that matriliny was a mode of identification in at least
some regions and times, as for instance in the Deccan under the
Satvahanas, where rulers are identified in terms of the gotra of
their mothers, once again an anomaly in terms of brahamanical norms.
Perhaps what we need to be aware of is how
and why we invoke traditions today. What are we trying to argue
to argue for or against? Are these invocations substitutes for closer,
more painstaking examinations of our past? Are they meant to score
debating points, to provide simplistic catchy slogans? These are
questions that we need to ask ourselves.
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