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ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS 2001

West Bengal
COUNTER REVOLUTION

Tamil Nadu: Veteran Vs Virago
Kerala: First Among Unequals
Assam: Innocents Grow Up

When former West Bengal chief minister Jyoti Basu anointed Buddhadev Bhattacharya as his successor, people had misgivings about the seemingly aloof home (police) and information and cultural affairs minister. Would the Marquez-reading, Bunuel-watching parvenu be able to reach out to the masses? Six months into his new job, Bhattacharya is smashing every myth.

CAN THE LEFT HOLD?
1996 Assembly elections
Total Seats: 294 Seats won %Votes
CPI (M)+ 192 48.58
Congress 83 39.47
BJP 0 06.45
1999 Parliamentary elections
Total
Seats: 42
Seats won Assembly Segment Leads % Votes
CPI (M)+ 29 190 46.74
TC-BJP 10 81 37.17
Congress 3 20 13.29

Even after Basu stepped down in November 2000, it took Bhattacharya some time to find his voice in the government. This prompted Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee- the woman who wants Bhattacharya's job more than anything in the world-to carp, "The state is being run by two chief ministers."

Parallels do exist between the two. Bhattacharya, like Basu, is known to be the liberal face of Marxists. In May 1997, Basu got a shot at being the prime minister. At the central committee meeting which took up the resolution, only two votes cast by the Bengal communists were in favour of the move. One of them was Bhattacharya's. He could see the "historic blunder" coming.

CLASH OF TITANS: Bhattacharya (right) has matched Mamata's campaigning stride by stride despite vastly varying temperaments

At 56, Bhattacharya is also the young blood in a party of geriatrics. This does create problems. His contemporaries, many of whom are ministers, aren't always willing to listen to him. Even so, in the war for Writers' Buildings, Bhattacharya is just what the doctor ordered. Especially as an antidote to Mamata.

For one, he has a spotless reputation. His humble origins (he studied at a Bengali-medium school), his no-frills lifestyle (he refuses to move out of his 720-sq ft flat) and now his legwork, all match Mamata's. The man who was once uncomfortable with the business community is today mouthing it mantras, talking industry and investments and promising clampdowns on trade unions. Recently, through a slew of circulars, Bhattacharya tried to induce some (short-lived) discipline in government departments by checking expenditure and tardiness.

Pranab Mukherjee: UNWILLING ALLY

 

UNEASY BOND:Mukherjee is putting up a brave front

Nobody, but nobody in the Bengal PCC, from President Pranab Mukherjee downwards, is enthused about the bond with Trinamool. The alliance is seen as having been imposed by Congress President Sonia Gandhi and forged by AICC General Secretary Kamal Nath. In the 1996 assembly elections, the party had won 83 seats and had 45 MLAs even after the1998 split, but now it has managed to wrest only 56 seats from its breakaway faction. Right from the outset Mukherjee refused to participate in the seat-sharing talks. His supporters, including Somen Mitra and Atish Sinha, remained steadfast about not parting with seats in north Bengal, where Mamata desperately needed a foothold.

While Mukherjee admits there will be adjustment problems, he insists everything will be sorted out by polling day. He even terms the exit of the Trinamool from the NDA a political achievement, saying, “It is not important how much the Congress had to sacrifice. There was no ideological barrier after the Trinamool quit the NDA. In fact, I have been pursuing the tie-up for the past seven months. We had to come together to defeat the Left Front.” Pranabbabu, former finance minister, sounds convincing—almost.

But Bhattacharya is very much a product of his party, while Mamata has grown through her own charisma-or idiosyncrasies. A few weeks ago, while Congress and Trinamool leaders were negotiating an alliance, Mamata upped and disappeared. She locked herself in a room and was busy playing tunes from Kaho Naa Pyaar Hai on her synthesiser. In her off-white cotton saree, she is the picture of studied simplicity. From publicly "hanging" herself in the 1980s to inviting Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to her security-challenged two-room house a year ago, there's no attention-grabber quite like "Didi". At 46, Mamata is a firm believer in the politics of gimmickry and has punctuated her three-decade career with stunts.

Yet, her supporters have cut through the slack of well-publicised exhibitionism to now look upon Mamata as the only serious alternative to 24 years of Left Front rule. No doubt the woman who was once "driven out" of the Congress has worked hard to get where she is. Today, Mamata is being wooed by the high command of her former party, marginalising local Congresswallahs like Somen Mitra.

Mamata is everything a challenger should be: populist, irreverent and anti-establishment. But her stubbornness and volatile temperament could cost her heavily. Her sudden decision to break her two-year relationship with the BJP just weeks shy of the polls is a case in point. But then she likes walking the tightrope. Will Bhattacharya give her right of way?


 
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