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COVER STORY
Mr Hegde
Why Are Our Exports shrinking?Are we picking the wrong products? Chasing the wrong global markets?
Targeting the wrong end of value-addition? Relying on the wrong policies? Why is India's
exports ship threatening to sink mid-sea?
By Rohit Saran & Rukmini Parthasarathy
What a fall there was, my
countrymen. Just 2 years ago, its exports sector was the star performer of the
newly-reformed, and still-reforming, Indian economy. The bumper growth of 72 per cent
between 1993-94 and 1995-96 in the dollar value of products and services shipped, flown,
trucked, and even electronically transmitted to global markets inspired heady visions of
an export-led blast-off into the rarefied orbit of double-digit economic growth. CEOs went
to bed every night dreaming of years of exponential growth, and no one sneered when the
Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) set corporate India's sights on an export target of
$83 billion by 1998-99.
Today, those dreams lie shattered. Confidence has given way
to crisis. And hopes have been slaughtered by hard reality. ''We will be lucky if exports
cross even $36 billion in 1998-99,'' says Bibek Debroy, 43, the Director of the
Delhi-based Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies. Indeed, the first-quarter
performance in 1998-99 has been dismal, with exports recording a fall of 5.79 per cent in
the period between April and June, 1998, over the same period of 1997. Since exports
account for 10 per cent of India's Gross Domestic Product (GDP), this decline of more than
5 per cent will, in a single blow, subtract 0.5 percentage points from the overall growth
rate-apart from reducing the foreign exchange available to buy goods and services abroad.
Whodunit?
Who, or what, stopped India's exports machine? The apparent
culprit seems to be the Great Asian Market Meltdown, which began in June, 1997, and is yet
to end. The resultant mayhem in global currency markets, combined with the collapse of the
East Asian economies, has garrotted global demand growth, dislocated trade flows, and
dried up markets overnight. And worse may follow if China devalues the renminbi, which
policy-makers now consider inevitable. With global trade on a downswing, Indian exports
are bound to suffer. Besides, sharply devalued currencies will make the East Asian nations
extremely price-competitive in the global marketplace once their economies recover,
further throttling exports. Take away Asia, and exports should recover. Right?
"Price concessions are
keeping India's exports stuck at the low end of the market."
B Bhattacharyya,
Dean, Indian Institute of Foreign Trade |
Actually, the Asian crisis is more of a scapegoat. To
be sure, it may account for a severe slowdown in exports growth in 1998-99. But it cannot
be used to explain a slump that actually began in 1996-97. In that year, Asia was booming,
global trade volumes were skyrocketing, the rupee had depreciated by 6.10 per cent against
the US dollar, and inflation in manufactured products had slipped to 4.01 per cent-four
factors that should have sent India's exports into overdrive. Instead, exports went into a
free fall, plunging from 20.07 per cent in 1995-96 to 4.46 per cent in 1996-97.
Policy-makers have been hard-pressed to explain this decline.
And that basic lack of understanding has led to muddled policies. The Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Administration has announced two major export polices this year: the annual revision to
the Export-Import (ExIm) Policy in April, 1998, and a package of incentives in August,
1998. Neither offers more than procedural simplifications, which should have been a
routine behind-the-scenes affair. In any case, such simplifications have rarely been
translated into a reduction of red-tape or harassment at the ground level. Worse, both
packages continue the traditional reliance on incentives and other sops to bolster export
performance. Points out T.K. Bhaumik, 48, Senior Director, CII: ''India has never had an
export strategy. What we had in the name of an export policy was no more than a charter of
incentives.''
Sadly, exporters are displaying the same myopia, with a
majority of them clamouring for more incentives. In fact, 48 per cent of those surveyed by
a BT-AIMS poll of 50 CEOs in 5 metros believe that the best way to boost exports growth is
to provide more fiscal sops. Unfortunately, in today's super-competitive global
marketplace, incentives are not enough for a country, or its exporters, to succeed. To
explore the causes of endemic export recession and analyse why export polices have failed,
BT dissected the country- and commodity-composition of India's merchandise exports. The
export intensity of the country's largest corporations were also examined. The findings
are grim. There are fundamental structural problems with India's exports-problems that
won't be solved by the policies that have been announced. Indeed, if the current trends
persist, India's export crisis will continue long after the debris from the East Asian
collapse settles.
Why Have India's Exports Collapsed
Dramatically?
"India has never had an
export strategy. What it had was a charter of incentives."
T K Bhaumik,
Senior Director, CII |
Because depreciation-driven growth has ended-as was
inevitable. The revival of 1992-93, when exports recovered from an absolute fall of 1.08
per cent in 1991-92 to a growth of 3.28 per cent, was powered by massive devaluation of
the rupee: of 36.60 per cent in 1991-92, and of 18.11 per cent in 1992-93. Since each
dollar now fetched more rupees, earnings per unit soared by 26.32 per cent and 14.07 per
cent, respectively, in those 2 years. Gleeful exporters undercut the prices of their
global competitors, none of whom had the luxury of a currency that had depreciated as
much. Of course, these were the years that saw the most spectacular trade reforms: average
Customs duties were slashed from 127.70 per cent in 1991-92 to 71 per cent in 1993-94, and
a host of quantitative restrictions was dismantled, helping exporters. The momentum
generated in the process propelled exports growth to a phenomenal 19.56 per cent per annum
between 1993-94 and 1995-96.
By 1995-96, however, there were ominous signs of the boom
ending. Although export volumes had surged by an astounding 31.29 per cent over 1994-95,
earnings per unit of exports fell by 2.10 per cent in rupee terms, and by 7.01 per cent in
dollar terms. Obviously, price-competitiveness had peaked. The virtually unchanged
commodity composition of the exports basket, not to mention the absence of any perceptible
improvements in quality, ushered in the inevitable fall in exports growth in 1996-97, even
though world trade growth was still healthy at 6.60 per cent in volume terms. However,
since the still-to-slacken demand in the domestic market secured an industrial growth rate
of 8.60 per cent in 1996-97, the fall in exports growth did not pinch.
However, by 1997-98, both the internal and external
environments had changed dramatically. East Asia imploded, global trade expansion slowed
down, and demand at home sagged. Exports growth contracted further to a meagre 2.66 per
cent in 1997-98, from where it has now slipped into a recession. Tellingly, even the 15.07
per cent depreciation of the rupee against the dollar between March, 1996, and March,
1998, did not stave off the decline.
The lesson? Depreciation-induced growth is inherently
temporary. It is also misleading, because gains from such growth accrue only in rupee
terms, whose intrinsic value has fallen anyway. For instance, in 1993-94, rupee earnings
per unit of exports rose by 12.48 per cent, but in dollar terms the growth was only 3.52
per cent. By contrast, in 1994-95, rupee earnings per unit of exports rose by 4.32 per
cent while dollar earnings rose by 8.17 per cent. Clearly, in dollar terms, 1994-95 was
the most rewarding year of the 1990s for exporters. Not coincidentally, the rupee
depreciated by only 0.13 per cent that year.
"Sector by sector, the policy
of small-scale reservation has murdered Indian exports."
B Debroy,
Director, Rajiv Gandhi Institute of Contemporary Studies |
THE POLICY POSITION. Rightly, Union
Commerce Minister Ramakrishna Hegde has refused to force a more-than-gradual depreciation
of rupee to buoy exports. In a floating exchange rate regime, it is difficult for
governments to engineer orderly depreciation. In any case, with the continuing turmoil in
global currency markets and the seemingly never-ending political uncertainty at home,
there may be no need for the government to engineer what the market will achieve
naturally. The rupee has already slipped past Rs 43, a depreciation of 8.71 per cent since
April, 1998. But this is unlikely to provide more than a temporary fillip to exports
growth. As past experience demonstrates, a sliding currency discourages exporters from
making the quality improvements necessary to build long-term competitiveness. Concurs
Rajesh Chadha, 43, Reader (Economics), Hindu College and Advisor, National Council of
Applied Economic Research: ''When you are not inherently competitive, artificial
pump-priming of exports, using more than market-dictated depreciation, will not yield
sustainable growth.'' Even in the short run, a depreciation-powered boost to
price-competitiveness may be marginal, since the value of most East Asian currencies has
been eroded between 50 and 175 per cent in the past 12 months.
Although the use of depreciation as a policy lever has been
ruled out, policy attention remains fixated on price. The recently announced rescue
package for exports comprises incentives like a 2 percentage point reduction in
pre-shipment credit and the extension of tax-holidays for export-oriented units from 5 to
10 years. Argues B. Bhattacharyya, 55, Dean (Research), Indian Institute of Foreign Trade:
''Price concessions will ensure that Indian exporters remain stuck at the low end of the
market spectrum. They will provide little stimulus for tackling problems of quality and
delivery, which are endemic to Indian exports.'' A better course of policy action would be
to chart out a strategy for changing the commodity composition of exports, which are
highly skewed towards low-technology and traditional products.
Which of India's Exports Have Been
Affected the Most?
Those with the largest share in India's exports basket. While
the growth rates of virtually all big-ticket export items decelerated sharply between
1994-95 and 1997-98, the decline was most catastrophic for leather products and
electronics goods, where exports fell by 8.46 and 10.83 per cent, respectively, in
1997-98. Textiles and fabrics, which account for 11.59 per cent of the country's total
exports, also collapsed, with growth plummeting from 26.24 per cent in 1994-95 to 0.59 per
cent in 1997-98. The world didn't buy less, however: textile exports from China shot up by
25 per cent, proving that the country's decline came from a lower marketshare.
Even more ominous was the erosion in the unit value
realisation from key exports. A commodity-wise study of exports between 1987-88 and
1996-97 reveals that the products with the fastest growth in export volumes were those
with the maximum fall in dollar realisation per unit. For instance, the volume of rice
exports rose by 22.81 per cent during the 9-year period, even as its unit value
realisation tumbled by 6.74 per cent. A host of other primary exports, including spices
and cashews, exhibits the same trend. Manufactured products fared no better. Exports of
engineering goods, for instance, grew by 18.94 per cent in volume, but unit value
realisation fell by 1.27 per cent in the same period.
The wide wedge between volume growth and unit realisation
reflects both the extent of price competition that the majority of Indian exports face,
and the low rung of the value chain that they occupy. Take gems and jewellery, the
single-largest item in the exports basket. Despite commanding a 12.60 per cent share of
the market for a product that is inherently high-priced, exporters have been unable to
extract better prices. Unit value realisations have remained virtually stagnant over the
last decade. Clearly, the absence of even a single Indian brand in the global market has
relegated products from the country to the low margin-low value segment.
THE POLICY POSITION. Trade policies have
perpetuated the dominance of low-value, traditional items in the trade basket. In
December, 1995, the Union Commerce Ministry had identified 15 products as priority items
for export promotion. But 11 of them were either primary products or traditional
manufactured goods. Software, India's fastest growing category of exports, did not even
figure in the list of priority items. Complains CII's Bhaumik: ''The biggest hurdle to
exports growth are not the non-tariff barriers but the non-technology barriers, an issue
that export policy has consistently failed to address.''
In fact, Commerce Minister Hegde's vision, as unveiled in the
ExIm Policy revision in April, 1998, attempts no radical departure from the past.
Agriculture and textiles remain thrust areas, although electronics and engineering
goods-and, for the first time, branded jewellery-are also to be accorded priority. But the
concurrent promotion of agriculture and hi-tech manufactured products will run into an
inherent problem of conflicting interests. For, while depreciation is an unmixed blessing
for traditional exports, given their low import content, it will hurt high-value-added
manufactured products, as their import intensities are climbing. The real requirement:
product-specific, market-focused strategies, the lack of which is evident in the fall of
India's exports of textiles and readymade garments just when the US and Europe have been
phasing out the Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA) quotas. Quantitative restrictions prevent the
makers of readymade garments from importing better quality textiles, thus inhibiting
quality upgradation of the kind that has enabled South Korea to build a global market in pret-a-porter
clothes made from imported fabrics.
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