It was 1997.
"Effective and Responsive Government'' were the buzzwords in
government. Former comptroller and auditor general T.N. Chaturvedi
was puzzled: ''I thought a responsive administration was the first
prerequisite of independent India.'' With that, he put his finger
on the reason why Indian governance had failed to deliver the goods.
As M.C. Gupta, Director, Indian Institute of Public Administration,
says: ''There is a high, impervious wall between the administration
and the people.''
It wasn't meant to be this way. That is why
the Indian Civil Service (ICS) was disbanded in 1948 and was replaced
by the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). The ICS-the steel frame
of the British Empire-was not seen as being suitable for the development-oriented
tasks in a welfare state. But the IAS didn't dump two legacies of
the ICS: maintaining a distance from the public, and an elaborate
system of rules and regulations to ensure honesty and accountability.
But development schemes required a measure of discretion and flexibility.
So the very rules meant to minimise corruption began to be used
to block things, and grant favours. The administrative machinery
became insensitive, aloof, opaque and corrupt.
Overcentralisation was also to blame. In the
1950s and 1960s the panchayati raj institutions were alive and kicking,
dealing with health, education and agriculture. The block development
officer was answerable to the panchayats. But these institutions
were allowed to atrophy. Many of the subjects were taken away by
the state secretariat. Fortunately, panchayati raj institutions
are now getting back some of their lost glory.
The problem and the solution were both identified
way back in the mid-1960s. The 20 reports that the Administrative
Reforms Commission churned out between 1966 and 1970 spoke about
the need to focus on the cutting edge of administration. But that
was also the time of great political turmoil, and administrative
reforms were hardly Mrs Gandhi's priority. In fact her tenure marked
the acceleration in the decline of the bureaucracy and quality of
administration. The concept of committed bureaucracy (which really
meant commitment to the Congress party) completely politicised the
bureaucracy. Welfare programmes increased but without the necessary
decentralisation, providing tremendous scope for corruption. With
the string of nationalisations, the reach of government increased.
Says Gupta: ''The edifice of government became overbearing.'' The
cutting-edge became blunted and the administration was not able
to provide even a patchy service to the citizens. By then everybody
had ceased to care.
Fortunately, things are beginning to change.
There are bureaucrats who realise that they can make a difference
to peoples' lives. Some politicians are also beginning to realise
good governance makes for good politics. Less government and more
governance is becoming the new shibboleth. If these bureaucrats
and politicians come together, there won't be any more questions
of the kind Chaturvedi had asked.
India's Governments Down
The Years
1947-1952
Interim government headed by Jawaharlal Nehru.
Indian Civil Service and Indian Police replaced by Indian Administrative
Service to provide a more development-oriented administration. First
batch of IAS recruited in 1948-49.
Constitution of India comes into effect, defining role of legislature,
executive and judiciary and sets up a federal polity. Three reports
focus attention on need to revamp the administrative system.
1952-1964
Congress Party Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Community Development
Programme is launched.
States Reorganisation Commission redraws boundaries and creates
smaller states in the west and south
1964-66
Congress Party Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri sets up the
Administrative Reforms Commission which submits 22 reports over
four years
1966-1977
Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Reorientation and politicisation of the bureaucracy starts with
Mrs Gandhi enunciating the concept of committed bureaucracy. Large
number of poverty alleviation programmes spring up. The Lokpal Bill,
with the Prime Minister out of its purview is tabled but lapses.
1977-1979
Janata Party Prime Minister Morarji Desai
Politicisation continues as officers with large scale transfers
of bureaucrats seen as Congress loyalists Government revives the
Lokpal Bill. National Police Commission set up under Dharam Vira
July
1979-January 1980
Lok Dal Prime Minister Charan Singh
1980-1984
Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Economic Administration Reforms Commission set up under L.K. Jha
1984-1989
Congress Party Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. First official acknowledgement
that only 15 per cent of grants for the people actually reach the
beneficiaries. The third Lokpal Bill is introduced. Concept of market
playing a more important role is enunciated.
1989-1990
National Front Prime Minister V.P. Singh. Yet another Lokpal Bill
is tabled but lapses with the dissolution of the Lok Sabha in 1991
November 1990-May 1991
Samajwadi Janata Dal Prime Minister Chandrashekhar
1991-1996
Congress Party Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao. The 73rd and 74th
amendments to the Constitution makes both urban and rural local
bodies constitutional entities.
May 15-28, 1996
Bharatiya Janata Party Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
June
1996-April 1997
United Front Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda
April
1997-February 1998
United Front Prime Minister I.K. Gujral
1998 onwards
BJP-led National Democratic Alliance Prime Minister Atal Bihari
Vajpayee. The Freedom of Information Bill is tabled. Central Vigilance
Commission is given statutory status.
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