Okay,
so we haven't exactly reset our calendars to Year One, anno whatever.
But 9-11 did change enough of the US, and its worldview, to worry
about the economic landscape.
To begin with, what was the attack really on-America,
Capitalism or Freedom? All three, Americans have concluded, especially
those who see the US dollar bill's Eagle as a three-in-one symbol.
The pity is that they neglect the fourth part of the American prosperity
formula that the Eagle is meant to symbolise: immigration. Or rather,
the power of information and ideas (best imported, as Silicon Valley
does) as economic boosters. If reports of heightened xenophobia
are true, then the US is sliding into the very trap it ought to
fear most. The recent demonisation of Big Business, support for
Big Government, disregard for Civil Liberties, jumpy airport guards,
return of identity consciousness and even the inability to laugh
at one's own foibles-are all bad signs.
Much economic damage has already been done.
India, for example, has had to suffer the ugly fallout of subcontinental
uncertainty, with the theatre of violence shifting to Asia. Fear
tends to paralyse investment.
Now, worse could come, hurting economies worldwide.
With oil prices heading up, the US budget surplus vanishing, accounting
scandals surfacing and dollar assets losing appeal, the US economy
might enter a second recessionary dip. The first dip, of course,
started almost a whole year before 9-11, an indication that the
link is far from direct. Wall Street sensed trouble six months even
before that.
That complicates life for the US. Even hawks
realise that an enlightened strategy would deliver better results
than a simplistic Clash-of-Civilisations response.
In the non-US-centric analysis, 9-11 was not
an attack on America, Capitalism or Freedom at all, but on a superpower
reckoned to be so militarily vain and intellectually deficient that
it could be provoked into a reckless fury that would serve the attackers'
domino purposes-of portraying Uncle Sam as a US-made monster laying
claim to supernatural authority, of thus inflaming 'street' anger
in West and Central Asia, and then of overthrowing the whole set
of regional regimes (particularly those rich in oil and uranium).
As a calculated bid for consolidated power,
it was as shocking in its audacity as its ruthlessness. If it failed,
goes the theory, it was partly because the US was cautious, and
partly because 9-11 was a last-gasp strike; the attackers had already
been divested of their self-made halos by the influence of modernity.
Make no mistake, the tension still runs high.
The US still feels oil-insecure. The fairness of its leadership
is under question. Peace in Asia remains fragile. So too the world
economy. The world still needs to defuse a potential conflagration
that could end up igniting all those hydrocarbons et al, or devastating
the world economy just on the fear of such a holocaust.
America's best option, perhaps, is to make
foreign policy a function of consistent principles, rather than
oil realpolitik (as exemplified by the Great Game in Central Asia).
What's self-evident to US citizens ought to be self-evident to others
too. This would mean working towards a convergence of ideals, with
the world saying 'No' to anyone trying to place himself (or his
control tools) beyond accountability to the world's people. It would
also mean granting a stake in US-led globalisation to as many constituencies
as possible.
Granted that if the US is to lead the world,
it can't shirk the tough jobs. But military intervention wouldn't
work if the world's people don't see it as justified. Miscalculations
could prove costly.
India, for its part, needs to insulate its
economy from regional havoc. The country has suffered already, forcing
it to stake a play in the Great Game by setting up a small Tajik
military base. Now, a lowering of subcontinental risks could give
the economy just the relief it needs to get into revival mode. What
India needs most is the spirit of a peace treaty that is global
in scope, based not on egos but on principles applicable to all.
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