FEBRUARY 3, 2002
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Auto-Expo 2002
A lot of the big names were missing. Just the same, people came, saw, and drooled over the hot-rods at the biennial automotive fest in New Delhi. A desperate industry even roped in stars to add glamour to metal. Click here for a review of the show.

Show Me The Money
It seems the Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha is going to have a tough time balancing the government's books this fiscal end. Estimates of gross tax collections for the period April-December 2001, point to a shortfall. Unless the kitty makes up in the last quarter, the fiscal situation will turn precarious.
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Man In The Muddle


How difficult is it to recommend an automobile fuel policy for India? Ask Dr Raghunath Mashelkar. As Director-General of the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, Mashelkar's task is usually uncomplicated: keep India's vast scientific research establishment ticking, everything from cutting-edge biotech labs located in sunrise cities like Hyderabad to humbler goat research institutes tucked away outside unknown towns like Farah. But Dr Mashelkar, an earnest, non-controversial, and soft-spoken polymer scientist with notable contributions in topics like non-Newtonian fluid mechanics, couldn't have imagined the extreme opprobrium and acclaim he would receive after submitting an interim-and by his own admission, flawed-work in progress.

The genesis of the Mashelkar report was the Supreme Court's relentless drive to clean Delhi's smoggy air, one of the world's most toxic. For two years now, the Delhi government, aided by the Centre, has hemmed and hawed its way through the forced clean-up. When study after study indicated that something had to be urgently done to Delhi's air, it was clear the government couldn't, or wouldn't, do anything significant, apart from mandating pollution-under-control (PUC) certificates. But since auto engines were abysmally maintained, the fuel adulterated, and PUC certificates were soon available for Rs 30-without testing-the toxic soup became deadlier. With an eye firmly on the next elections, no government in Delhi, BJP or Congress, dared antagonise the powerful and voluble lobbies of bus owners. The politicians refused to appreciate Delhi's shiny new autos and taxis, all running on CNG. It was thanks to official bungling that thousands of poor drivers had to endure day-long queues to get their fill of gas. The government was quick to scream that CNG could never work: it hasn't of course come up with any realistic solution that could. Instead of trying make the CNG system work and showcase it as a world's first, the government-like so many things Indian-said it couldn't work because no one else in the world used only CNG (and that of course isn't true). Instead, we now hear that Beijing, impressed by Delhi's half-hearted, faltering attempts, is adopting CNG to fuel its vehicles and clean up its equally smoggy air. Don't be surprised if the Chinese take our idea and outrace us to the finish line (we're used to it though, aren't we?).

With the government abdicating responsibility, the Supreme Court stepped in. Cornered after repeated attempts at disobeying the Court, the Union government set up the Mashelkar committee as an escape hatch. Now Mashelkar-whom even the most strident environmentalist will maintain is an honourable man-simply did not seem to realise his reputation and standing could be hijacked by a short-sighted government to further its own ends. That is exactly what happened. As he watches alarmed, his interim report recommending a multi-fuel policy is taken by the government to mean that the vexatious ether, CNG, can be abandoned. With a speed unheard of in free India, the government adopted Mashelkar's report. In interviews that followed, Mashelkar, a technocrat given to wholly transparent functioning, openly admitted serious flaws in his report. He was contrite in acknowledging that the report seemed to have ignored its reason for being: urban India's failing public health. Astoundingly, there wasn't a single public-health expert on his committee.

Mashelkar now says many of the flaws in the interim report will be tackled in his final effort. But to his dismay, politicians determined to sabotage the Supreme Court's efforts aren't interested. Simply put, he's been had. They want no improvements, no clarifications. Thankfully, it isn't up to them. In February, the Supreme Court will decide on Mashelkar's recommendations. It is not bound to accept the report, regardless of the shrill posturing of the government. The issue is simple. The Mashelkar committee hasn't been set up-as the government seems to believe-to protect bus owners, taxi drivers, or allow an escape hatch to a notoriously recalcitrant oil industry. It's been set up to keep us from dying early.

 

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