On the thirteenth day of the
war, when the entry of Indian troops into Lahore seemed imminent,
Islamabad fired two Ghauri missiles with nuclear warheads. One was
targeted at Delhi, the other at Mumbai. India responded in kind,
with two missiles targeting Islamabad and Karachi...
War seems an unlikely
prospect as these words are being written, in mid-January; two weeks
back it didn't look that way, and more than one Indian would have
surely remembered a remark by Pakistan's blustery nuclear scientist
A.Q. Khan about the Ghauri's ability to take out Mumbai and Delhi
in five minutes flat.
THE ECONOMIC CASE
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FOR WAR
»
India's forex reserves are at their healthiest
»
Food security, with a stock of 60 million tonnes
of grain, isn't an issue
»
There's slack in the budget to accommodate greater
defence spending
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Post-war rehabilitation and reconstruction could set off a
boom
»
The fiscal deficit may not swell because of the war
»
Inflation is at a record low of 2.5%
»
A war could boost national pride and improve consumer confidence
AGAINST
WAR
» Defence
allocation will go up from Rs 62,000 crore
»
The oil import bill will zoom
»
Exports will suffer
»
FDI inflow will slow down
»
The government's focus will move away from the economy
»
The stockmarkets could go into a spiral
»
Consumer confidence will be dented
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The latest chapter in India's 54-year-old face-off
with its neighbour can't be doing the Indian economy any good. ''Suspense,''
intones Prithvi Haldea, the CEO of Prime Database, ''is bad for
the economy.'' Several economists agree with Haldea: in their opinion,
while sustainable peace may be the best thing for the economy, a
war may actually be a preferred option to status quo.
Poised as the economy is between first-generation
reforms that have thrown up a host of implementation-related issues
and second-generation ones that just don't seem to be able to get
off the ground, the military high jinks couldn't have come at a
worse time.
SCENARIO I:
Status Quo
Nothing could hurt the economy more than a
continuance of the status quo. Foreign investments will dry up as
India's country-risk skyrockets; the private sector will curtail
its spending; the government's focus will stray from the economy;
planned initial public offerings will be shelved; and the stockmarkets
will reflect the uncertainty.
No economy, argues, Vinayak Chatterjee, the
CEO of Feedback Ventures, can live with an ''overhang syndrome-the
uncertainty over whether there will be a war or not''. Faced with
such a situation, investors dither on decisions related to new projects.
Why, foreign institutional investors could even try and reduce their
exposure to Indian stocks.
The Indian economy can ill-afford a status
quo. The polity's main focus has shifted from the business of governance
to the arithmetic of coalitions; an uncertain atmosphere will only
help push crucial economic legislation to the lumber room of political
consciousness. ''Do you think the government can really address
crucial economic issues when it looks like we could go to war?''
asks S.S. Bhandare, an advisor to the Tata Group.
IS WAR GOOD
FOR THE ECONOMY?
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Wars have
a way of changing business environments. The First World War
provided a fillip to the mass production movement and accelerated
the process of industrialisation; the Second World War sowed
the seeds of globalisation; and the Gulf War set off a 10-year-long
boom in the US economy.
Wars lead to increased economic activity
(post-war reconstruction) and engender booms. The post-war
period also witnesses a significant increase in consumer and
investor confidence, which also stimulates the stockmarkets.
Many economists, including Robert J. Barro, a professor of
economics at Harvard University, believe that this may be
true for America's war against terror (read Afghanistan) as
well. Barro feels that the US may be able to avoid a recession
in 2002 as a result of this new war.
Prof. Barro says his studies show that
for every $1 spent on military outlays, there is a 60 cents
to 70 cents increase in the GDP. If Barro is right, and if,
as some hawks believe, India is financially in a position
to fund a war, should it exercise the military option as an
economic palliative?
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SCENARIO II:
Border Skirmishes
India's politicos decide to stop talking of
'hot pursuit', and send out the army to destroy militant training
camps in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Pakistan retaliates and a border
skirmish, a la Kargil (if that can be called a skirmish) breaks
out. That could cost more than Rs 2,000 crore (Kargil did Rs 1,894
crore). India should be able to afford it. Most investors, explains,
U.R. Bhat, the Director & Chief Investment Officer of Jardine
Fleming Chase, factor in possible border clashes with Pakistan in
their investment strategies.
Predictably, though, a skirmish could hit some
sectors like tourism, aviation, and hospitality. India's oil import
bill, already expected to touch Rs 80,000 crore this year, may go
up due to the armed forces' huge requirement for fuel. Net result:
the oil pool deficit, estimated to be in the Rs 13,000-crore region,
may balloon; consequently, the fiscal deficit could swell.
Then, there's the impact on exports. The global
recession has forced the government to bring down the exports growth
target from 12 per cent to 3 per cent. Even that, says B. Bhattacharyya,
the Dean of the Indian Institute of Foreign Trade, could be a tall
order if there is full-scale war. ''Potential importers will be
loath to visit a country at war, thereby affecting any chance to
increase exports.'' That logic applies to foreign direct investment
too.
The stand-off between India and Pakistan could
cost the Indian aviation sector close to Rs 50 crore a year. All
of Air India's West-bound flights cannot fly in Pakistani airspace
and the longer route around would mean a higher fuel bill. Tourism
is another sector that will bear the brunt of a skirmish.
SCENARIO III:
Full-blown war
A full-blown war will have a larger impact
on the economy than a skirmish. For one, it would mean the collapse
of the aviation sector (if even temporarily). ''No international
airline will fly to India in case there is a war,'' says S.S. Sidhu,
the President of the Foundation for Sustainable Tourism. ''War usually
causes a drop in travel budgets,'' adds U.K. Bose, the CEO of Air
Sahara.
The cost of the war itself-Air Commodore Jasjit
Singh, the former head of the Institute Of Defence And Strategic
Analysis, estimates that a two-to-twelve week war would cost around
Rs 3,000 crore-isn't cause for concern. ''Numbers show that we haven't
spent a major chunk of our defence budget (Rs 62,000 crore),'' says
Sanjeev Goenka, the President of the Confederation of Indian Industry.
There are other factors that point to this being the right time
to go to war, say some economists. Inflation, at 2.5 per cent, is
at a historic low; India's foreign reserves ($48 billion and counting)
have never been healthier; and a possible devaluation of the rupee
against the dollar will only help hamstrung exporters.
There's little chance that the US could impose
sanctions against India if it initiates the war. ''The US has understood
from the Pokhran II experience that American businesses stand to
lose more than Indian ones from sanctions,''says Jardine Fleming's
Bhatt.
Despite Goenka's reassurance, though, there's
the risk of the government funding its war effort by holding back
on infrastructure spending. And even ongoing infrastructure projects
could find it difficult to achieve financial closure. In the absence
of new revenue sources, the government could also decide to impose
a war-surcharge on corporate and individual tax.
Will a full-blown war end in a nuclear scenario?
K. Santhanam, the director of IDSA, believes
that both countries will be reluctant to exercise the nuclear option.
''In the last three wars, both India and Pakistan have restricted
their attacks to the forward areas,'' points out Singh.
''But if India makes the first move,'' says
Munesh Khanna, the country head of Andersen's corporate finance
practice, then, ''it could find it difficult to project itself as
a victim of terrorism.'' The war will definitely impact India's
credit-rating-downgraded to stable from positive this July by Moody's.
''If the (Indian) economy spirals out of control because of a war,
we will definitely make an adjustment in India's credit-rating,''
says Kristin Lindow, the lead India analyst at Moody's.
SCENARIO IV: Sustainable
Peace
This is the stuff of which Utopian visions
are made. But, if India and Pakistan can break the 54-year-old stand-off
through diplomatic initiatives, the economies of both countries
would benefit. The single-largest outlay in India's annual budget
is dedicated to defence spending. If relations between the two countries
thaw, this can be reduced significantly. That would free up funds
for developmental and infrastructural initiatives. India can source
cheap gas from Central Asian producers through pipelines that cut
across that country; the trade between the two countries will increase
(Pakistan is the world's second-largest consumer of tea, but imports
none from India); and as Haldea points out, with India and Pakistan
on talking terms, there's nothing that will stand in the way of
the creation of a greater South Asian economic union.
Still, peace is a long shot. And as evident
from the stockmarket's reaction to Army Chief General S. Padmanabhan's
statement on January 11 that there may be a quick, short conventional
war with Pakistan-it slipped 100 points before regaining 81 points
by close of trading (so much for all that analysts said about the
markets having already discounted war)-any of the other three scenarios
is a possibility.
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