Freedom
from arbitrary authority. Even a six-year-old understands its appeal,
worded or unworded, articulate or inarticulate, expressed or repressed,
vivified or blurred.
At the start of the 1990s, as the Indian Businessman
stood at the crossroads, it was a time of hope and high vision-again.
India had been wise enough and brave enough
to confound the world's sceptics by prioritising democracy. But
the protective cocoon of Socialist Statism was rupturing, and it
was time to confront almost half a century's worth of accumulated
economic reality.
It was grim. Grim enough for a national rethink.
At the ground level, the question was cast as a simple matter of
liberty: why don't we, as 'free citizens', have the right to make
a living any way we choose so long as we don't injure anybody else?
At the rarefied level of state policy, it was time to acknowledge
that perhaps the Market-and the dynamic price-setting mechanism
of freely competitive interactions-does do a better job of putting
the country's resources to work, spurring growth and raising our
quality of life. Better, at least, than the state planners, who,
for all their high-tabled good intentions, were too broke to satisfy
supplicants asking for their one paisa.
THE FREEDOM INDEX METHODOLOGY |
To get a fix on
how free India Inc is, we have created a "freedom index"-on
a scale of 0 (total state control) to 100 (complete laissez
faire freedom)- that measures key freedoms in the 10 sectors
picked by BT as a representative cross-section of the Indian
economy. Freedoms associated with labour and capital, being
'factor markets', have been assigned weights of 20 points each,
with six points given to each of 10 sectors.
The scoring for key freedoms was binary (either available,
which gets one, or unavailable, zero), and these freedoms
vary from sector to sector, depending on the peculiarities
of the Licence Raj restrictions imposed. However, the common
freedoms considered include the freedom to enter a market,
to set prices and to allocate internal resources. Distortions
and interventions such as subsidies and conditions drag the
index down.
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The case for freeing business from state control
was clear. Intervention was flawed. Isolationism equally so. For
the sake of its own efficiency, India Inc needed the stimulus of
global competition and the discipline of global capital markets.
Yet, the trick, as it turns out, is in the
doing. As Deepak Nayyar, eminent economist and Vice Chancellor of
Delhi University, complains, instead of a clear transition to the
market, what India has seen is a series of ad hoc measures. That
too, in fits and starts. Bureaucratese has muddled the picture in
so many fields that it doesn't seem any less arbitrary than the
bad old days.
Still, the reforms mural painted so far has
much to gratify the business freedom fighter. As the state has stepped
back, private business has soared. Market entry is no longer barred.
Competitors have multiplied. The borders are open to trade, though
import barriers remain. Currency clamps have loosened, though capital
account convertibility is still far away. Extortionary taxes are
gone. Savings-eroding inflation is dead.
Domestic prices-a key test- are set by market
forces in most sectors. And these forces appear to be doing fine.
In general, demand is no longer subject to market-subverting distortions
(such as subsidies), and supply constraints have been eased by and
large. And so even in so-called 'factor markets', particularly the
market for capital, the efficiency of which is critical to the performance
of business on the whole. Access to capital is no longer the exclusive
privilege of a few.
The business upshot: India Inc has spent considerable
energy since 1991 orienting itself to the market (and the fulfillment
of customer needs), instead of the closed era's chief profit-source
(the favour of the state, that is).
The economic upshot: India's GDP growth has
accelerated-to an annual average 6.5 per cent, a whole point higher
than the 1980s' rate. The proportion of Indians below the poverty
line has fallen from 36 per cent in 1993-94 to about 26 in 1999-2000.
And with $85 billion in forex reserves, India can slouch without
any fear of a 1991-style near-default on its external debt.
The problem is that India has taken that a
little too seriously. GDP growth has slumped in the past two fiscal
years, even as the fiscal deficit has widened alarmingly. And while
stockmarkets may be exuberant, the factor market for labour still
lies unaddressed. Shutting a business is still a nightmare. Taxation
is still rather messy. Tariffs remain high, and the government retains
quite some authority over business through simple ownership-not
just of PSUs, but also equity held by its network of financial institutions.
According to Jagdish Sheth, the Charles Kellstadt
professor of marketing at the Goizueta Business School at Emory
University, Atlanta, Indian businesses are living under a false
sense of security. Reforms have merely begun, and are nowhere near
complete.
The real thing, by way of the Free Market,
is still to come.
|
K.V. Kamath, MD & CEO, ICICI Bank: Banking
on efficiency |
FINANCE |
»
In 1992, Indian companies were given access
to foreign funds.
»
In 1993 and 1994, private entrants were allowed into banking
and mutual funds.
»
In 1994, FII investment was permitted in Indian debt and equity.
»
In 1995, the RBI freed interest rates charged by banks.
»
In 2000, insurance was opened up to the private sector. |
Financial Freedom
Equity-issue pricing has been freed. The state
MFs monopoly has ended. FIIs have been granted entry. Indian businesses
have been given access to funds overseas. Private Indian banks have
opened doors. Since 1991, the market for capital has been nothing
if not dynamic.
The big relief: state-directed lending has
had its day. Banking competition is intense, and services better.
The RBI has turned interest rates over to market forces. The result:
easier access to capital. Investment banker Amit Chandra of DSP
Merrill Lynch puts it succinctly, "The corporate is king of
the borrowings market."
Meanwhile, the government has reduced its equity
holding in most public sector banks, but it still runs them, and
bad loans are a problem even though businesses can no longer default
with impunity.
The state monopoly in insurance has ended too,
with minority-stake foreign insurers allowed in as well. MFs have
proliferated too, ever since the end of UTI's monopoly in 1987.
Yet, UTI remains the weightiest. In fact, overall, the state remains
dominant in banking and finance, and few businesses are accountable
to investors at large.
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Mukesh Ambani, CMD, Reliance Industries:
Big is beautiful |
PETROLEUM |
»
In 1992, oil exploration and refining were
opened up to foreign investment.
» In
1993, Oil and National Gas Commission was corporatised
»
In 1993, LPG distribution was opened to the private sector.
»
In 1998, petroleum distribution was thrown open to private players.
»
In 2002, the Administered Price Mechanism (APM) for oil was
dismantled. |
Petroleum Perplexity
That India would never be self-sufficient in
oil was apparent even in 1947. So it's quite ironic that it took
so long for the country to quit trying to be an economic island
unto itself. Fuel was seen as a primary need, and so obsessively
controlled.
Till recently, that is. Take prices. It was
on April 1, 2002, that the government marked the dismantling of
the Administered Price Mechanism (APM). Prices, it was said, would
henceforth be market rather than ministry determined.
Well, it hasn't really happened, because the
state-owned players ONGC, IOC, HPCL and BPCL are still to be privatised,
and thus 'free' only from a regulatory standpoint.
The good news is that several private players
are already in the exploration game. As a rival to the state oil
firms, Reliance runs India's largest refinery, and is preparing
to retail petrol. This is a market the Petroleum Ministry has opened
to players who commit at least Rs 2,000 crore to oil infrastructure.
Genuine competition, however, will not materialise until there are
at least three independent players striving to outdo one another.
|
Y.C. Deveshwar, Chairman, ITC: Betting
big on agri-business |
FARMS |
»
In 1992, subsidies on major fertilisers were
abolished.
» In
1993, an ad hoc fertilizer subsidy was reintroduced.
» In
1998, the fertiliser subsidy was hiked, raising the bill once
again.
»
In 2001, the FCI's 'buffer stock' of foodgrains reached absurd
levels.
»
In 2002, strictures on foodgrain movement were eased. |
Forgotten Farms
The Indian agriculture sector, unlike China's,
is in a time warp. Farmers have no clue about the battles to be
waged at the WTO against the West's subsidies. Even if they did,
it wouldn't matter, so resigned are they to their monsoon-managed
lives.
What's wrong? The price mechanism, that's what.
It's just not there. The signals that reach farmers-in the form
of minimum support prices (MSPs) issued by Food Corporation of India
(FCI), the monopoly buyer-have no link with market offtake (or with
reality).
Inputs are grossly subsidised, and if rice
gets marked up, that's what gets grown-often in absurd quantities.
FCI adds its own costs. Tonnes of foodgrain simply rot, as the intended
beneficiary-the hungry Indian-cannot afford the grain even at subsidised
prices.
Recent attempts to devolve food security to
federal states, and to dilute the more surreal strictures of the
Essential Commodities Act, which impedes the free movement of foodgrains
by private players, have achieved little. "These restrictions
disincentivise the production and distribution of essential commodities
by organised companies that can exploit economies of scale and modernise
the sector,'' sighs Arvind Virmani, CEO, Indian Council for Research
on International Economic Relations (ICRIER).
For real freedom, nothing short of a revolution
will do-one in which the FCI reduces its role to that of a buffer
player, the feeder of last resort ('the RBI') of a market in which
thousands of free participants determine prices.
|
Anil Ambani, Vice Chairman & MD, Reliance
Industries: Power play |
POWER |
»
In 1993, the first set of 'fast track' projects
was approved.
» In
1994, the central government offered 'counter guarantees' for
payment.
»
In 1997, the government set up the Central Electricity Regulatory
Commission.
»
In 1998, private players were allowed in functions other than
generation of power.
»
In 2003, private players are granted direct access to the power
market. |
Power Problem
In the information age, what India needs least
is a dysfunctional power sector. Retail recovery of charges is the
big hold-up here. The power utilities, those hapless SEBs, are under
federal state governments, and are sitting on accumulated losses
of Rs 33,000 crore-with more power vanishing into the night (there
ought to be 'live leads' from the grid to trace, but why bother).
Of late, some states have separated generation,
transmission and distribution from each other, and partly privatised
the front and back ends. But the broad tariff structure remains
the old one: with industrial units heavily subsidising retail users.
So this June saw the "second generation of reforms'' with the
enactment of the Central Electricity Act, 2003, which aims to grant
private participants access to the Indian power arena.
Best of all, without having to depend on the
SEBs for bill payments. Access to the SEBs' transmission lines is
meant to be free and non-discriminatory-though telecom-style 'bandwidth
issues' are bound to crop up, be warned. "The devil is in the
details," says Anthony Bird, Managing Director, ABN AMRO Rothschild,
a utility specialist, "and the success of the Electricity Act
will depend largely on implementation.''
|
Arvind Lalbhai, Chairman, Arvind Mills: Ready
for the world |
TEXTILES |
»
In 1991, the government took note of 'sick'
industries.
» In
1994, export-oriented apparel projects were given the go-ahead.
» In
2000, large-scale players were allowed into the apparel industry.
»
In 2000, the tax structure was rationalised to level the field
for all.
»
In 2001, import duties on textile machinery were cut. |
Textile Turnaround
India's textile sector has remained hostage
to sentimental associations of handspun cloth with India's freedom
struggle and old notions of hut self-sufficiency. The handloom and
small-scale textile sector has been grossly regulated, protected,
tax-insulated, subsidised and thus strapped to the past as some
museum curiosity. Sniffle if you will, but into a khadi handkerchief.
The sector's inefficiency became apparent in
the 1980s, when mill after mill went 'sick'. Over-regulation has
kept capital away. Says S.P. Oswal, Chairman, Vardhaman Spinning
and General Mills Limited, "Different excise duty exemptions
at various stages of textile manufacture, reportedly resulted in
evasion of excise duties by several parties, resulting in the poor
performance of large organised mills. This resulted in very little
investment by the corporate sector in the weaving and apparel sector.''
The few large-scale apparel projects permitted in the mid-1990s
(on stringent export conditions) have done little other than deliver
quality to branded apparel for the well-off.
Thankfully, the New Textile Policy of 2000,
aimed at enhancing Indian textile competitiveness towards achieving
$50 billion in exports by 2010, might just save India the embarrassment
of missing its second biggest export opportunity (post 2005). Apparel
is open to large-scale investment at last. Taxation imbalances have
been fixed, and imported textile machinery is cheaper. With some
perseverance, India can yet crack the global apparel market.
|
Anji Reddy, Chairman, Dr. Reddy's Laboratories:
Generics all the way |
PHARMA |
»
In 1994, most pharma products were freed from
industrial licensing.
» In
1994, foreign investment of up to 51 per cent was allowed in.
»
In 1994, the list of price-controlled drugs was slashed drastically.
»
In 2000, the foreign investment limit was raised to 100 per
cent.
»
In 2002, the price-controlled list was reduced to just 38 drugs. |
Pharma Future
Regulation is a common feature of the pharma
industry worldwide. But India has been almost unique in its control
of drug prices. Barricades to entering the market were torn down
in the early 1990s, and price controls junked by and by. Prices
have not soared, thanks to the self-regulatory effect of competition-and
the desire of firms to convey a caring image.
But how free are pharma companies really? The
government still retains a say in how they allocate their funds.
The promotion of certain critical drugs, for example, is still frowned
upon, as if healthcare customers are somehow cheated by any corporate
spending on fighting the information battle (a cola competence).
The official limit on 'post manufacturing expenses' for controlled
drugs has been raised to 100 per cent, but is still a limit.
Foreign investment has been allowed in, but
Indian firms-having learnt all the tricks of low-cost reverse engineering-are
under no threat. In fact, the drugs going off patent in the US market
has presented them a huge generics export opportunity. Pharma exports
are around $1.5 billion, and rising.
More freedom could mean better performance.
"The price controls are not in line with liberalisation. The
list should be reduced further to contain only life saving drugs,"
says Paras Adenwala, Head of Equity, Birla Sunlife Mutual Fund.
|
Ratan Tata, Chairman, Tata Group: Indigenous
success in a global field |
AUTOMOBILES |
»
In 1983, foreign investors were allowed 40-per
cent equity in JVs to make 100-CC mobikes.
» In
1993, the sector was opened to licence-free investment, both
Indian and foreign.
» In
2001, indigenisation stipulations on foreign companies were
axed.
»
In 2002, control of Maruti Udyog was handed over to Suzuki of
Japan.
»
In 2003, the government sells a quarter of MUL stake to the
public. |
Automobile Action
India's automobile industry offers a splendid
example of the transformative power of liberated business. All the
more because the very sight of an old Ambassador seemed to signify
all that was anachronistic about India. From a sellers' market to
a buyer's market-it happened in a flash. By the simple act of allowing
anybody from anywhere in the world into the arena.
The car market's makeover has been dramatic:
witness the new gleamers on the streets. India has some 16 new ventures
to serve the car market alone. Arguably, though, the auto action
began in the early 1980s, when the Maruti-Suzuki partnership was
formed, and the 100-cc segment of the Indian motorcycle market was
thrown open to competition amongst local firms with foreign collaborations
(the Indo-Jap joint ventures).
In all, two-wheeler marketers in India have
become quite customer-oriented, driven by competitive pressures.
The major improvements, according to Rahul Bajaj, Chairman and Managing
Director, Bajaj Auto, came only after 1992-93. "With the Licence
Raj's going, I can expand or diversify according to market conditions.
As imports are freed, I don't have to run around for import licence
either," he says.
Today, India allows fully-foreign owned companies
to operate in the automobiles sector. The last remaining stipulations,
such as those requiring all manufacturers to indigenise their components
within a time-frame, have been trashed in 2001. Yet, the excise
duties on vehicles remain unreasonably high, and the sector remains
shielded from import competition.
|
Sunil Mittal, CMD, Bharati Group: Leading
the telecom revolution |
TELECOM |
»
In 1994, private operators were given licences
for cellphone and landline services.
» In
1998, private ISPs ended VSNL's net monopoly.
»
In 1999, cell licencees switched over to revenue-sharing.
»
In 2001, landline operators were allowed to offer 'limited'
mobile services.
»
In 2003, the regulator proposed a switch to a 'unified licence'. |
Telecom Transition
Whizzle-crackle-snap. Remember the days when
crackling phone lines were a luxury? It was barely a decade ago.
Given all the cellphones buzzing around, one might even be tempted
to think tele-nirvana is nigh. Too bad things are not that simple.
The reality is that the telecom industry has become a litigous cacophony
of shouts and claims.
Telecom businesses have no escape from the
rulings of the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI). To
the extent that scarce airwaves need to be shared, telecom regulation
is indispensable. The issue is one of maximising freedom under that
contraint, and flip-flop policies are no help. The National Telecom
Policy of 1994 brought in domestic private cell service operators-on
stipulated GSM technology. Having overbid for licences, most operators
bled like crazy. The New Telecom Policy of 1999 has scrapped the
old arrangement in favour of a revenue-sharing deal, and allowed
the state's own monopolies, BSNL and MTNL, to enter the arena. Private
companies, meanwhile, have been granted entry to fixed line services,
and since 2001, have even been allowed to offer 'limited' mobile
services using CDMA technology-to the alarm of cellular operators.
Sure, competition has intensified, tariffs
have crashed and the state monopoly on long-distance calls is history
(VSNL has even been privatised). Private Internet Service Providers
(ISPs) are roaring away too. But a lot of telecom business plans
have been thrown in disarray, and policy issues remain a distraction.
In retrospect, the sector should always have been defined in 'need'
rather than 'technology' terms, and to put that straight, TRAI has
recently floated the idea of a 'unified licence' for all services.
"Once the unified licence policy is in place, things will move
faster," says S.C. Khanna, Director General, Association of
Basic Telecom Operators. That's poor consolation for cell operators.
|
Naresh Goyal, Chairman, Jet Airways: Soaring
ever higher |
AVIATION |
»
In 1992, the Open Sky Policy issued licences
to 'air taxi operators'
» In
1993, Indian Airlines was the only domestic carrier with a flight
schedule.
» In
1997, air taxi operators were granted the status of airlines.
»
In 1997, the Tata-Singapore Airlines combine quit trying to
fly.
»
In 2002, Indian Airlines' disinvestment was put off. |
Aviation Apathy
For more than a decade, Indian air travelers
have been living under the joys of the Open Sky Policy of 1992 that
finally ended Indian Airlines' monopoly on domestic air traffic.
That this would be a dystopic sort of freedom was clear from the
very fact that the licences granted to private carriers were as
'air taxi operators'-with no right to publish flight schedules,
lest they be mistaken for airlines. Though fares were controlled,
new players such as NEPC Airlines, Damania, ModiLuft, Archana Airlines,
East-West Airlines, Sahara and Jet Airways were thrilled enough
just to fly-even if assigned the crumbling old airport terminals
to use while Indian Airline got spanking new ones. Service standards
rose, and fierce fare competition ensued in the mid-1990s.
Things have changed since. In 1997, the air
taxis were bestowed with 'airline' status by the New Air Corporation
Act, and their fares freed. But there has been a major shake-out,
leaving the skies to Jet, Sahara, Indian Airlines and lightweight
carrier Jagson-with no new licences issued. The Tata group, which
sought entry in alliance with Singapore Airlines, has given up.
Private airlines have almost no control over lounge facilities and
ground handling (state-run on the pretext of 'security').
Free market competition is nowhere in sight.
And the proposed privatisation of Indian Airlines has been shelved
for the moment.
|
N.R. Narayana Murthy, Chairman & Chief
Mentor, Infosys: Trying harder |
INFOTECH |
»
In 1991, software companies got a tax holiday
on their export income
» In
1992, the always licence-free IT industry welcomed the freeing
of other industries.
»
In 1998, the government created an information technology ministry.
»
In 2000, government enacted cyberlaws to tackle cyber-crime.
»
In 2003, Infosys claimed to be the world's second most profitable
software company. |
Infotech Irony
India's most successful sector has a little
dirty secret: it is a beneficiary of an arbitrary subsidy. Since
1991, software exports have enjoyed an income tax holiday.
But that's not the point. The point is that
it is a new sector. So new, in fact, that it escaped the attention
of all the state planners and regulators who gave India the iron
framework of its command economy. So it has never had licencing.
The result is an industry that India can actually
claim as globally competitive. Free market access has meant high
competition, ever-falling prices, high efficiency, customer friendliness
and a market-judged sorting of winners and losers.
This is an industry that actually lobbied to
have import duties on software cut from a high of 114 per cent to
zero. "World class efficiency can't go hand in hand with protectionism,"
explains Kiran Karnik, President, NASSCOM.
Meanwhile, some new sectors have started adopting
it products. It's a direct correlation, observes Karnik. More freedom
for business spells more business for India's it industry, and this
gives it a huge stake in the liberation of India Inc.
The consumer, on the other hand, has a stake
in expanding his choice set. Does the availability of choice do
a good job of regulating business? The current cola crisis will
tell us. The terms of the debate are still under formulation, but
'freedom' versus 'regulation' is certainly part of it.
Fair enough. If freedom is a concept as easy
to grasp as bottle of fizz, there's no reason why it cannot be sold
to millions.
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