The
proposal to first split and then partially privatise Indian Oil
Corporation, the largest oil company and the country's only representative
on the prestigious Fortune 500 list, shows how comically desperate
the disinvestment ministry can get. Its latest proposal-which seems
more a knee-jerk reaction to the Supreme Court's ruling on the disinvestment
of two other state-owned oil companies-calls for hiving off IOC's
retailing business (read its 23,900 retail outlets across the country)
and selling it to the private sector. In effect, it means the state-owned
IOC will be left with a relatively unremunerative refining business.
As with anything in business and economics, there are two ways of
looking at it: from the winner's point of view and, of course, the
loser's. Let's look at what the winner could get. A private sector
buyer-like Reliance or Essar, which has big refining capacity without
retailing outlets-gets a readymade network that is efficient and
spans the entire length and breadth of the country. Nothing wrong
with that except that there is another point of view.
In the event that the government goes ahead
and splits the oil company, the residual IOC will be a 47.5-million
tonne refiner without any retail outlets. Ironically, it will have
to hawk its wares to the new owner of its erstwhile petrol pumps.
And, as any casual observer knows, stand-alone refineries without
downstream retailing do not make economic sense. So an erstwhile
money-spinner would be transformed into a loser.
True, the proposal to split and sell IOC is,
for the moment, just that, a proposal. And one that could be even
tougher to implement than the disinvestment of HPCL and BPCL, the
two oil companies where the government's sell-off was blocked by
the apex court's ruling. Still, the move on IOC brings to the fore
yet another instance of how the disinvestment process can get hijacked
by both political as well as business lobbies.
Ever since September 2000, when the BJP-led
NDA government seriously began the process of privatisation, there
has been opposition from both within its own coalition as well as
from outside. For the Left parties, privatisation has meant "selling
family jewels'' at throwaway prices and thereby undermining the
cause of the national sovereignty; for the RSS and the Swadeshi
lobby, it has meant succumbing to the multinationals at the cost
of domestic players; and, as for the Congress, which, incidentally,
initiated the disinvestment process by selling shares in state-owned
companies in a medley of lots, it seems to have flipped and flopped
so many times on the issue that now no one really knows what its
stance is on disinvestment.
But blaming politicians alone would not be
fair. True, powerful ministers have done their bit to stymie the
disnivestment process, but arguably more powerful business lobbies
may have done worse. The sale of IPCL to Reliance has created an
unassailable monopoly in petrochemicals (although, admittedly, IPCL's
financial performance after the sale has improved). Elsewhere, the
privatisation of a state-owned hotel in Mumbai was turned into a
canny arbitrage opportunity by its new private sector buyer who
made a neat profit by reselling it within months of acquiring it.
It is in the light of these that the alacrity
with which the latest proposal on splitting and selling IOC's business
has come forth seems alarming. Does privatisation or disinvestment
mean selling assets indiscriminately-as it would be if IOC's retailing
business is hived off? Or should it be a process that must lead
to better management of the country's resources by ensuring assets
are owned by those who can use it most productively? The answer
should be a no-brainer.
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