|   Nobody, 
                but nobody, pushes India around. On this, there's a consensus 
                amongst citizens of this country, be they conservative or liberal 
                or any admixture of the two. Thank goodness. That's a source of 
                comfort, as India begins addressing a need that has been obvious 
                for quite some time: the need for a strategy to handle America.  Strategy is the appropriate word. Even India's 
                first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru would have agreed, convinced 
                as he was that foreign policy must be derived from economic strategy 
                (and is not some wishy-washy matter of whim). If he was a practical 
                man of his times, so is current Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, 
                a key player in one of India's biggest policy shifts. With values 
                and goals held constant, India has altered the means to reach 
                those goals by granting the market a lead role in the allocation 
                of resources. This, let's be clear, had to do with a fresh evaluation 
                of the merit in market forces, as evidence emerged, as opposed 
                to central planning. India, mind you, did not scamper in panic 
                to the winning side of the Cold War, as American triumphalists 
                often assume. It was a sovereign decision based on a rethink, 
                not fear. India, remember, was non-aligned. And open to diverse 
                schools of thought.  Some 15 years on, India has grown in confidence. 
                The country's economic growth is within striking range of the 
                desired rate, despite low levels of foreign investment, and is 
                being watched as closely as China-even as the stakes soar for 
                leadership of the 21st century. What's more, India is newly armed 
                with nukes, and America has started giving shape to a new strategic 
                partnership with a country it once had little time for. The chief 
                watchdog's chief diplomat, Condoleezza Rice, has been on a visit 
                too. Instead of tactless GDP comparisons with Spain, or subjecting 
                officials to an inquisition, she has taken care to hold India's 
                progress in appropriate esteem, and has even held out the possibility 
                of enhanced technology transfers. So far, so sweet of her. Mutual 
                ties have never been better.  But America also seems intent on pushing 
                India to another decision fork of sorts. Framed one way or another, 
                Rice appears to be offering a binary choice, and the deal comes 
                down to this: 'either Iran's piped-in gas or America's fighter 
                jets'. Choose.  In its choice of principle, India needn't 
                bat an eyelid. It's easily the principle of economic sovereignty; 
                the one that says India's future shall be determined by its own 
                citizens. So if the energy security of a pipeline, given the acute 
                need for cheap gas, is worth more than the additional defence 
                security of those jet fighters, given the existence of a nuclear 
                deterrent, it makes more sense to go for the pipeline.  That decision is indeed a matter of Indian 
                sovereignty, and one of bigger consequence than the fracas over 
                who America keeps off its territory, where it spots "severe 
                violations of religious freedom", or-heck-what its intelligentsia 
                makes of a speech made in Goa. Not to say it doesn't grate. It 
                does, as should any barbed hint of state hypocrisy (that's why 
                the howls of protest).  Talking tough is all very good. But it is 
                still no replacement for an external strategy to secure India's 
                well-being in the long-term. Rice's either-or offer, to return 
                to the issue, cannot be viewed in isolation of global geopolitics 
                and America's own fears of possible threats-the known, mapped 
                ones-to its power. And power it is. So the risk of American ire 
                must also enter the calculations. This is not a watchdog that 
                keeps its growls and snarls to itself.  What would be an optimal way out?  If India makes its market too big for investors 
                to resist, the country could operate with even more degrees of 
                freedom. So that's important as far as the long-term aims of domestic 
                policies go.  For now, the best course might be to go ahead 
                with the original energy plans, shrug off the possibility of lost 
                fighter jets, and then make up for such bad behaviour by offering 
                America a sweetened deal of its own. It's fuzzy, but one it may 
                still want to consider.  What would America rather have: a slick series 
                of shot-from-the-hip ventures hoping to gush forth quickie dividends? 
                Or a stable stake in the emergence of a market that insists on 
                thriving on liberty-and could talk the rest into it too? Choose. 
                Difficult, is it not? |